뉴욕타임스가 AI로부터 언론을 구할 수 있을까

Comment Loader Save Story Save this story Comment Loader Save Story Save this story For most companies, spending upwards of $20 million on a single legal fight with an uncertain outcome might mean the boss has some explaining to do. For A.G. Sulzberger, the publisher of The New York Times, that explanation is simple: It’s the cost of defending journalism—at the Times and everywhere else. Sulzberger, who took on the publisher role about a decade ago and has been an influential leader in the Times’ much-lauded push into digital innovation, has no shortage of defending to do lately. Nearly three years ago, the Times sued OpenAI and Microsoft for copyright infringement, alleging that the companies illegally used New York Times journalism to train AI models. That legal case, in which motions are still being filed about discovery requests, is only one front in a broader battle: The Trump administration is waging an ongoing war on press freedoms—most recently with an outrageous attempt to subpoena Times journalists over coverage of the president’s Qatar-gifted jet to be used as Air Force One—while AI companies radically reshape the way people find and consume information online. The Times has arguably never been stronger as a business, having recently surpassed 13 million subscribers, and its newsroom is widely seen among journalists as one of the most stable and well-resourced in the business. Still, Sulzberger believes that journalism itself is facing myriad existential dilemmas—from an administration ready and willing to target reporters, from AI companies whose products depend on the very reporting they risk undermining, and media companies being demolished by the changes they’re unleashing on the open web. I sat down with Sulzberger in late July at WIRED’s offices. We talked about that Times lawsuit, how and where AI is transforming reporting inside the newsroom, and why he thinks journalists and media executives need to team up—even while they continue to compete fiercely. You can read our entire conversation below, or listen to it here. This interview has been edited for length and clarity. KATIE DRUMMOND: AG, welcome. Thank you for being here. A.G. SULZBERGER: It's great to be here. Thanks for inviting me. I want to get into AI, and I will, but I would be a terrible journalist if I didn't start with news that has recently affected your paper. Specifically, I'm talking about the subpoenas that the Justice Department has issued to several Times journalists about their reporting on the Air Force One jet that was gifted to the Trump administration by Qatar. The Justice Department also issued subpoenas to third-party phone service providers to obtain text messages and phone calls between some of those journalists and their family members. Thanks for starting there, because it’s obviously yet another disturbing escalation in the Trump administration's efforts to punish and undermine the free press in this country. First I should say, I have so much admiration for the reporters who have done this work and who are doing it under a different kind of pressure than we have seen in generations. I think that by any objective metric, this is the biggest effort to go after the press that we've seen from a White House probably since Woodrow Wilson, so in more than a century. These reporters just continued, day after day, to put their heads down, right? Not to get baited by the folks booing them or the folks cheering them on, and just to do their work. That work includes reporting things that the President of the United States doesn't want the public to know because it may be unflattering or embarrassing. In this case, they reported a story, as you said, on the Qatari-donated jet, and it's a little unclear: Was it donated to the Trump administration or to Trump himself? A donation worth hundreds of millions of dollars. Right. When that occurred, a lot of people had questions about whether it could ever be secure enough to hold the President of the United States and ferry him around the world. Sure enough, our reporters found out that on one of its inaugural trips, its first trip overseas to Turkey, there were concerns that it was insufficiently equipped to respond to a threat, that the president had to fly back on the original Air Force One. He denied this initially. But we exposed the truth, which has subsequently been confirmed. Then it gets even stranger. Every administration, we will publish something that the President of the United States doesn't want the American people to know. Upsetting a president of either party is nothing new to us. What is new is that the administration defied many of its own standards and practices and explicit guidelines to very rapidly, in the course of a day or two, serve subpoenas on these reporters. They went straight to the homes of reporters, in an obvious attempt to intimidate them. As you said, we are now learning that they sought to get records, not just from the reporters themselves, but from members of their families. It's a gross overreach. Just to contextualize for listeners, how unusual is all of that? To have law enforcement at your home as a journalist, to be subpoenaed right out of the gate, to have those phone records called up by the Justice Department. How weird is that? I mean, it's extremely unusual. It's very rare. The closest comparison that I have had at the Times in my tenure—I've been in this job roughly a decade—happened in the first Trump administration, when some of our reporter records were secretly seized by the Justice Department. In fact, that led to some reforms in the Justice Department aimed at curtailing that type of abuse. On one side this is objectively very rare—there was similar overreach, you may remember, in a Washington Post case some months ago, where they actually raided the reporter's home and seized her devices—[but] on the other [hand], this is building naturally off of what I think is a broader effort. You have also criticized other media outlets for capitulating to the administration, particularly around settling what you've called winnable cases to appease Trump. Do you still see your peers as largely capitulating? I don't think I ever said largely capitulating. I actually think that the industry has largely held its ground. And to be very clear, holding your ground does not mean an adversarial posture. It means being willing to publish the truth even when powerful people get angry at you for publishing it. It means being willing to ask any question, no matter who it might upset. I actually think that the industry, by and large, has done very good work. WIRED’s done good work. The [Wall Street] Journal has done terrific work. The Associated Press. When the White House conditioned their continued access to the White House on them switching from calling a big body of water the Gulf of America instead of the Gulf of Mexico, they didn’t take that sitting down. I remember this. They sued, and I think rightly. They sued regardless of whether they win the case, right? Right. One of the things that I'm saying to peers in the industry regularly is that your rights only hold if you seek to enforce them. You may not win every battle, but the surest way to lose your rights is to avert your eyes, drop your head, and try to avoid notice and just take what comes. I do think that some news organizations have clearly felt the pressure from the administration and I think allowed that pressure to affect coverage. My colleagues in Washington tell me that they're regularly talking to reporters at other news organizations who are saying that they will no longer pursue certain stories, because they're too worried that their editors will kill them because of fear of retaliation, and that their model is actually to wait for an institution like the Times to report the story, and then they'll follow it, and they t